DEMOCRACY AND' A FORMAT?
(updated 23/10/2008)
SCHOOL: uff.stampa PD, PREMIER IS USED TO MAKE SENSE WAS
"Berlusconi denies today words spoken yesterday in front of dozens of cameras and heard by all Italians. He quotes verbatim the launch of the Ansa 12:38 hours in which, after defining a 'violent' protests, the Prime Minister said: 'summon' the minister Maroni to give guidance on how the police should take action '. " And 'as indicating in a footnote, the press office of the Democratic Party, in response to the prime minister, from Beijing, has denied ever having said to have recourse to law enforcement to prevent the occupation of schools and universities'. "Having announced the closure of markets due to the severe financial crisis, then even denied by the White House, after giving notice to purchase shares of specific companies' listed, after saying that the financial crisis would impact on the real, denying them the next day, the prime minister - the note continues the press office of the Democratic Party - on a subject as 'delicate behaves intolerable for those who have similar responsibilities' clearly disproportionate for him. To the Chairman of the Board of great country like Italy there 'need for meaning of the state, respect for dissent and control of speech and if 'same'.
Found in page OUR LINKS:
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the TV of PD.
del Municipio Roma XI The Council has submitted the following:
MOTION
Presented by the Democratic Party
Subject: Solidarity with Roberto Saviano
Given that: •
following the publication of his book "Gomorra" which moves a complaint well-documented and detailed the whole system of illicit trafficking and territorial control exercised by the Camorra clan of Casal dei Principe, the writer Roberto Saviano was forced to live under guard for two years threats received by members of this criminal clan; •
few days ago one of the collaborators of justice, which belonged to the clan of Casale said that against Saviano and the men of his escort was given a sentence of death, as said, will be performed by December; •
after living years of solitude, armored vehicles, the writer said that to return to regain a normal life again and to dedicate himself to his work is forced, under the circumstances, to leave ' Italy.
Since:
• according to a statement by the President of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano, the state must always be the guarantor of security and integrity of each individual;
• the threats made by members of organized crime against free citizens constitutes an attack on civilization, freedom and democracy of our country;
• The President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, all the more senior state and all political forces all political parties expressed their full solidarity with the writer claiming that it will defend Sato;
• Mayor of Rome and some political forces of opposition by the City, undertook to confer honorary citizenship of City of Rome to the writer. The Municipal Council of Rome
XI
expresses its most total solidarity with Roberto Saviano, because with his commitment and his work makes up a service to the entire country.
fully supports the initiative to prepare all the necessary documents to be given to Saviano honorary citizenship of Rome.
engages the whole council to promote initiatives and awareness campaigns to combat the phenomenon of organized crime in our area.
The new language of power
(Giuseppe D'Avanzo - La Repubblica)
DESTRUCTION of language is a prerequisite of any future destruction. If you remember the premonition of Karl Kraus, is essential to examine in its results more radical simplification of the public discourse of the government that is so successful and convincing to support a Edmondo Berselli that "democracy is closer to a contemporary format that a complex set of rules" in Michael Serra that "the left "must strive, along this simplistic way, to survive in the era of" thinking hasty "in Marino Niola that" reduced format, offering contemporary politics again resurface mythologies that belong to the more remote layers of representation of power " .
are reflections that have the merit of breaking down the paradigm of Berlusconi, his gestures, attitudes and modes (five in conduct in place of school reform and education; loafers instead of a more modern design of public administration).
However, I think the reasoning would be incomplete if we were to ask also what the hatching surface dilution of the language. In my view, this may be another focus of debate: what thought, power and democracy announces quell'alienazione of the word, colonized by the culture of television, say format? That language, which does not recognize any state to reality, which dramatically reduces any complexity (including lexical), is merely a technical consensus of cases or more: a strategy and even a political destiny?
Temo that enthusiasm for the magic of political marketing dangerously ignores the 'uninvited guests "who, hidden in the format, knocks on the door of our democracy. Eager to encourage a powerless opposition and silent modes of a "narrative" effective and expendable Market Policy and New Leviathan does not become a spectacle we see - not what we ignore - the implications. We omit the essential. Do not feel that the simplification of the brutal language of politics remove any political space.
Here we could make it long. Quote Aristotle. Remember that man is a political animal because he speaks. "Man is a zoon politikon, but that is because echon logon. E 'political animal because language: communication is to throw it in the Polis. Learning to talk is to begin to obey the unwritten laws of the City. More specifically, is to begin to take sides, to belong and to exclude, to draw boundaries "(Rocco Ronchi," Speaking in Newspeak "in the precious contemporary forms of totalitarianism, Bollati Basic Books, very useful with its 16 essays, edited by Massimo Recalcati to tackle the issues under discussion).
E 'speech, therefore, is the language that allows us to live in the "realm of politics." In this house, if released, must be allowed to hesitate. The outcome of the response is the awareness of those who speak of "stake." implies a decision. It has the speaker in a specific space of the commonplace. Addresses a relationship with others who listen to him. In this sense, language is a gift (munus), but also bond and obligation as a gift because, as the duty, the language underlying the communitas. When awareness of the speaker, his freedom (dall'esitazione revealed) is eliminated in favor of an automatic reflex, "communitas to replace the barracks, the socius to the dorm."
*
Simplification (the format) then it is not just a "technique" that evokes the "good old things of the past" (the teacher, the school apron fresh laundry, the employee works) is an assertive form, never dialogue which unfolds a force injunctive, mandatory. It 's like a tic automatic. E 'logo. Like any logo, automatic triggers a memory, an image recognition without an agreement without discussion, consensus without hesitation. This modularization of the language, its mechanical nature presupposes that knowledge is a curse, the register of the real as irrelevant, thinking like an infection. "Disease prevention begins with the vocabulary that is impoverished, to become lean, as the advertising slogan, brand like graphics.
Any of us can combine a catalog of "modules" of Berlusconi's political newspeak. Productivity Success Communists Theorem judicial efficiency Legality Decision Italian markets are now Security logos robotic reflex activity. Appear to be "objective." Their need and value is beyond question. Form - you can still say stealing the words Ronchi - "axiomatic the premise of public conversation. And as happens to the first principles of each demonstration, are subtracted from all eternity to any rational discussion."
are more or less free of the orders which exclude any consent or lawful dissent. Eliminate a common place and therefore any doubt, hesitation, freedom effectively deletes the political space. Are "either disjunctive" or are you in or out, or is unconditionally unconditionally friend or enemy, or is good or evil. When the language is easy to be reduced to reflect that removes all of thinking, which anticipates a response time of subjective reflection (did not become "criminal" synonymous with "immigrant"?) You end to clear the oppositional dichotomy consent / dissent which defines the democratic or authoritarian regimes.
* * * The format, simplifying the speech of the government is not only a technique of political marketing. You can effortlessly see something worse: a totalitarian tendency. The fascination that inspires even free spirits I think I see a blur that restless, as a result un'oscurantista dependence fictional works in freeform scenarios hairpieces, which manipulates the relationship between reality and fiction (already created and controlled by the ideological power of totalitarian propaganda and spectacular of the twentieth century).
How to explain otherwise the representation - not disputed by anyone, I think - a man of 72 years, already weakened in its vital energies from prostate cancer and a very invasive surgery, as an immortal father totemic "resting three hours a night and make love for another three, before returning to work in eighteen other to solve Italy's problems, the difficulties of the West, the crisis in Milan?
we define this hypnotic state that prevents us from seeing the grotesque in this scene? The format that forbids us to laugh in public is not "cultural invention" is an exercise of power that reveals a totalitarian vocation. It 's a political device capable of removing what we see, know, know, touch.
E 'the event of a power that rewrites our eyes to reality ("reality exists"); destroys the language by reducing it to unconditional automaton; us from the experience and the ability to take a stand. It should not be a surprise too broad consensus, even "embarrassing" it collects. Always "the link is the totalitarian paradoxical response to certain needs, which are induced. There is always need Police and terror, absolute violence. The work on the psyche is more effective. It 'just that device to create the world and act as the guarantor of security and prosperity of the people. The process of dependency between the psyche and politics is assured if you invent a perpetual state of insecurity, a permanent state of emergency (immigration, justice and the Italian threat, the school) to offer an all-encompassing protection.
Accepting the indestructible vitality of the "totemic father," as welcome as if an apron solve the problems of education, we agree to that fictional scenario and the increasing number of control strategies and prevention below. Prisoners of an impoverished vocabulary - for prophylaxis - of things and thought "infected", we come to consider the social body as a sick body and the decisions of the government as a therapy designed to restore the health assaulted by internal toxicity (the opposition , dark-skinned foreigners, the magistrates, the slackers, the union, information).
logo and reflected the language becomes impossible to see how those "marks" justify more and more detailed control practices (the soldiers in the city center, the city police in weapons) and an exercise of unlimited power with no transparency and balances ( decrees with the force of law immunity for those who govern, servile parliament, independent authorities suspended in functions), in private un'invasività of disciplinary power (preventive wiretapping, prohibition of commercial sex, a ban on transporting goods with plastic bags, ban to lie on the grass of a meadow in a park) .
* * * The simplification of the language (the format) is the key to political success, perhaps by acting as a prompt to imitate if the left wants to close with the defeat: it is a prerequisite to reshape the relationship between freedom and policy. Just because the destruction of language is a prerequisite of any future destruction, I asked him what he will be destroyed tomorrow, where the temptation totalitarian began to work today.
"totalitarianism", I know, is one of those words with contempt expelled from public discourse, and yet if you look at the philosophical and political debate - debate that takes place with the lights out, away from the noise of the media - to question contemporary forms of post-totalitarian ideology in advanced capitalist societies is by no means stupid or vulgar or indecent. On the contrary, it is appropriate. And 'honest. E 'urgent. E 'legitimate.
is not, of course, as noted by Simona Strong ("The Great Body of the whole" still fit), to "oppose - in a democracy - a political regime" or to consider totalitarianism "as a political monster," because "There is no wall nor legal nor institutional nor philosophical-cultural, that separates democracy from totalitarian regime."
no threat from totalitarianism to democracy. E ', says Strong, "the unwanted visitor knocking at his door constantly," "is an extreme response to the questions posed and the modern politics can not solve. Not only then the modern totalitarianism has experience, but it is a possible outlet of democracy. A form of society that reacts to the weakness of the invention Democratic constituent, its vagueness, its openness towards the void, in a word, freedom. "
To understand whether the Guest Junk lives next door to us, within us, then we must investigate the weaknesses of our democracy, the anguish of Italian society, the lack of balance and trim (existential, institutional, political, cultural). E 'in the gap between the problems of modernity, the social loss they cause, the anguish of applications and the inadequacy of collective responses and policies that open the gates where you off and take root a "totalitarian mentality" and a technique of power that, unlike the twentieth century, no longer has any ideological content.
A verification of the presence of the Guest in our democracy needs to explore the essential relationship of totalitarianism to freedom (And language, we have seen, is gone, the first victim) because it is a totalitarianism that is not more explicit, visible as violence and terror, and destruction of the Other, but more secretly "working" (still strong) in the link between human life and political power in the way of the relationship between reality and fiction, in the absence of appropriate tools to guide us between good and evil, definitions, guidelines, awareness that today prevent us also recognize the evil of having a ' idea, a thought. Now these are the damned challenges facing the left, not the aping of the "totemic father," his Newspeak totalitarian.
(October 11, 2008)
The world
easy policy format
(Michele Serra - La Repubblica)
The campaign for the return to the teacher only, beyond the intentions quotas of "saving", it helps to think in an exemplary manner on the underlying causes of political fortunes the right of government, and its equally profound strategic intentions. They are intended for simplification. If the word is the totem of the left, for many years now, and "complex", at no cost to derive from complex analysis and complex reasoning dark and paralyzing political opportunities, however, really understand the man of the street, that's right ( winning) is its simplicity.
pedagogy and teaching, as they have been evolving in the last half century are felt as subjects 'left' and not so much not only for the attempt to replace authoritative guidance on simplifying the most open, and at risk of permissiveness "sessantottesco. Are considered complicated because the attitude of Left educational, cultural and psychological outcomes add scruples, are screwed around the sticky (and hated) the matter of political correctness, the idea of \u200b\u200ba society over-guaranteed and for that very difficult to manage, and basically of the desire of peace and certainty of a social body confused and anxious, ready to applaud any demiurge with conviction, sector also, armed with axes.
Gelmini In this sense, the proposal is almost brilliant. The key idea, that which comes to a public opinion increasingly tempted by brusque, but simplifications, is that the convoluted "educational", being weighted by union demands, are a luxury that society can no longer afford. The real "cut", in hindsight, is not that of a teacher candidate anyway - once cleared the pilots, or lazy, or other trade unionists - the role of yet another scapegoat. The real cut is, Gordian knot of the culture. Nostalgia (very common) the teacher is only the nostalgia of a golden age (unreal but seductive), in which the nefarious "complexity" had not yet been cleared by intellectuals, educationists, psychologists, priests, restless, political agitators and seekers under different hairs. An authoritarian society in which the principle was greatly helped by a perception of order is easy to apply, in which the ass was the ass, the worker the worker and the doctor doctor. A company not included Don Milani, not Mario Lodi, Basaglia not, of course not the Sixty-eight, and therefore, in the very ideological reconstruction made of it right now, it's simply fallen victim to an ambush "Communist."
schemino In this simple and effective, the culture and politics, whatever title, are not seen as interpreters of conflicts, but as challenging to them. If pedagogy "permissive" exists, it is not because the inconvenience of several children or the old wood and the inadequacy of education required (forty years ago) to be identified and dealt with, but because the same problem has been "created" a maliciously-oriented intellectuals and political destruction of the good old school once. In short, the policy has become a format, as written by Edmund Berson, his word is simplification.
This right people, and for the vast and fierce social bloc that expresses the complication is a vice "bourgeois" (Professors, highbrow of course by the radical-chic, and it matters little that the school staff is among the most proletarianized of Italy) that we can not afford, and what we have done very badly to give up. Not only education, including psychology, sociology, psychiatry, the dominant clichés of today, no longer a tool of analysis of reality, but the will of disturbance handling, against rowers, to stoke fires of a better social bucket of water, like that of single teacher, can finally turn off. The daily reading of the right-wing press - free special, from this point of view absolute paradigm of public pro-government - Demonstrates that the triumph of hasty thought, to better establish itself, needs an equal and opposite contempt for thought complicated for the mass of indistinct philosophemes and sociology of the new Italian as "free" themselves as victims no longer available for latinorum caste of politicians and intellectuals bookish, barbogi, causidici, using the culture (and the blackmail of complexity) as a sleeping pill to curb the fresh energy "popular" of those who have the boxes full of doubts, the hesitations, the Social complains about immigrants and gypsies, children in distress, everyone who linger and complicate the handling of daily hard chores. Already too hard, in itself, afford the "menate" concerning the left-wing or full-time or the rights of gay and other nonsense.
The left has a lot to think about: the cultural and even existential human being of his staff (including electorate) occurred in almost sacred worship of the complexity of the world and society, with culture elected invaluable tool for understanding even at the risk complicating complication ... But there is no doubt that respect for the complexity and narcissism of the loss, the distance is so short that has largely been done: no law requires an intellectual or a political analysis at the point of falling in love never risk a glance or simplification - in itself - it is a blasphemy (on the contrary by those who have studied a lot and thought a lot, sometimes you would expect a conclusion that is "easy" because not rude or superficial, but because intelligent and understandable). But the stakes are much more important than just the fate of the left. The stakes - simplify, in fact - is the fate of culture, critical tools that might become unbearable difficulties. If this right will continue to win, apart from the marketing you do not see which of the social sciences could hope to regain prestige, and a prevalence of not only academic or caste. Because it is much, much easier to think that humanity and the Earth were created by God seven thousand years ago (which is what convinced the popular Sarah Palin for example) rather than wasting time and money studying the fossils and evolution. It is much more reassuring, convincing, comforting to think that good teachers than once, with the help of five in a barrage of conduct and failures, can maintain order and "educate" the more hyperkinetic children, consumers and bulimia, that television creates and the propaganda of right now suggests to destroy, because it is better to have docile consumers (customers, says Pennac) rather than restless citizens. You better be certain that problems.
is much more easy to think that the world is simple, if only for an unfortunate circumstance for everyone who is not. The world is complicated, humanity as well, children do not talk about it either. If people believe this to be binding, healthy recognition of the complication can not find a way to make it "popular", to explain it better, to propose a credible possibility of government, the principles of discernment, human rights, basic needs, let us say democracy we will see in the coming decades, the progressive triumph of simplifiers impatient, the Brunette, the Gelmini, of Palin. Then the reality, of course, will present its accounts, the simplifications in the same sinking mud in which we are struggling poor complicated the minority. In the meantime, we should get busy, to survive with some dignity in the Age of Simplification, minimize damage, if not for us and for our children that might actually believe in the long run, the myth of the reactionary bei old days, when the school churned Bravi Italian, the planes flew without worries, too intellectuals did not break the boxes and the culture was based on the beautiful calligraphy and arrived (on time) to the more disciplined of resignation. That is the exact opposite.
(September 24, 2008)
Why I fear for democracy
(Letter to Corriere della Sera)
Dear Editor,
in its editorial yesterday Pierluigi Battista describes the concern and alarm that I expressed in the interview with Corriere della Sera on Sunday as an "old story", as the resumption of a struggle in which confrontation is put into question the democratic legitimacy of the opponent. I think this analysis is incorrect, for two reasons that I will try to explain.
The first concerns the ratio set by the majority, and Berlusconi's first with the opposition, according to the nature and scope of the argument about the risk of impoverishment of democracy which I started some time ago, that was the focus of my speech to the Lingotto and then Sinalunga and interview with his paper.
He is certainly right to say that the Baptist around the theme of the relationship majority and opposition, there was a 'huge misunderstanding': what the newspapers have called cloying dialogue or confrontation with the government on necessary institutional reforms to the country, has become a "self-censorship moderate opposition, even vehement criticism muted on the action of government." A scheme impossible and unrealistic, first of all for the life of democracy, but was adopted by Berlusconi for his first, which seemed to expect an opposition to dialogue but not non-existent. In five months old Parliament was called to ratify a series of measures, most or all by-laws, most or all voted on the wave of confidence. Evil on the content (be it school or security, justice or public accounts), wrong method which is essentially democratic. On this together with Casini I sent a letter to the Speaker of the House to highlight how the Parliament was put in a position not to discuss anything and essentially expropriated.
On all this, on the concrete content of the measures of the Berlusconi government and the risks of a real decline of democracy, the Democratic Party has promoted its event of 25 October in Rome. This is, in a de-legitimization of 'opponent? I could argue remembering as of 2 December 2006, speaking on a stage in which bears the inscription "against the regime, for freedom," said Silvio Berlusconi of Italy to represent the majority in the fight against oppression "imposed by a minority government" .
But I will not go so far back to really understand who is accustomed to question the democratic legitimacy of the opponent. I will just since last June: while the houses came under the block-the judges were called metastasis processes of democracy and opposition leader became a "failure" that would "retire from politics." And it is a few days ago, in the middle of negotiations Alitalia, the joke insulting a "Veltroni non-existent ', spending to win headlines in the papers and denied only days later. Amid a sea of \u200b\u200binsults all people of the PDL. Who but Berlusconi has called the court Gandus his "political enemy"? Those who threaten the Constitutional Court to rule on the Alfano Bill? Whoever speaks of government as a "board"? Whoever offends the union during negotiations with its take it or leave it and expressed a strong opposition against the IDV as calling it the enemy of democracy and freedom? A litany, yes, de-legitimizing the opposition and for the institutions.
It is for this that I pointed out how big the difference between government
pro tempore, as in democracy, and instead feel "in power". And speaking of storytelling, when Berlusconi said after the reforms provided for comparison tear the fabric of every possible convergence and again as always to attack and insult his opponents once again, that yes, the old story of which the Italians are tired ? Moreover
my thoughts on a Sunday, on which more than 70% of the readers of Corriere.it was agreed, were an attempt to bring the look a bit 'farther than what is happening in our country and controversial quotas. Not I am interested, and I have not the presumption to ascribe no one in the category of "ontological enemies" of democracy. A worry about are those same phenomena that cross-country and western societies everywhere attract the attention of many commentators and politicians. Just think of how in France the prestige of a Catholic magazine Esprit has devoted an entire issue to the current risk of 'democratic regression', the possible end of democracy as we know in the West.
concern and this is a reality that you are in the world incaricandodi show that the market can exist without democracy or in the presence of weak democracies. It is the reality of a widespread democratic crisis, a dangerous xenophobic and racist impulses that are now open expression and political representation, as the vote in Austria has just demonstrated. It is the reality of a general need for a decision that is manifested by a set of media simplification of the problems of annoyance to any complexity, calling the deepest fears of the people, leadership tendencies investiture plebiscite, to climb over or marginalization of institutions, disregard for the pathological concentration of power, ease of negligible oscillating between the role of prophets of deregulation and the champions of state intervention. Of all these phenomena in our country, for the obvious willingness of the Prime Minister to be the incarnation, is unfortunately an obvious example.
not old stories and remnants of the past, in fact. We are the opposition of innovation and democracy decides. We have concerns about the complexity of the problems and we feel a responsibility to seek new answers to defend and strengthen our democracy, to make our country more modern.
Walter Veltroni
October 1, 2008
power over the rules
(Massimo Giannini - La Repubblica)
UNITED STATES, on the eve of the vote in the U.S. Congress on the big bank bailout largest in history, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson has made a symbolic act full of meaning: he knelt in front of President Nancy Pelosi, to invoke the Parliament rapid approval of this package of rules.
The executive power, even in a state of absolute national emergency, leaves it to the formal proceedings of the legislature. It is a tangible sign of how, despite the financial chaos which has not been able to ward off and now struggling to manage, American democracy can recognize its values, its rules, its institutions.
In Italy, on the eve of the imminent launch of yet another decree, this time on prostitution, the Prime Minister launched an ideological attack against the Parliament, guilty of obstructing the government's action. "Forcing the Chambers within two months of the approval of all by-laws it considers necessary to govern the country - announces Berlusconi - and I will not hesitate to ask the trust that will serve every time, since confidence is a question of courage and responsibility."
Executive power, albeit with an unprecedented majority, submits to the legislature. It is a tangible sign of how, despite the formal existence of its precepts and the fundamental strength of its institutions of security, the Italian democracy is likely to depreciate its principles, its precepts, its quality.
The premier offensive touches a raw nerve for the political class, and a sensitivity to public opinion. In recent years the hated caste who live in the halls of Parliament, including privileges and inefficiencies, did nothing to deserve the confidence of the sovereign people. Berlusconi, once again, riding the wave of anti-.
And "man of action" that fights the "fogies", he understood what the governments call on the leaders discouraged de-legitimized: decide, or just pretend that it had decided. It's what Prime Minister is doing, combining common sense ruling. Waste and upon Alitalia, Roma and the Camorra. It does not matter what's "in" measure. Counts only that there is "the" measure.
All that impedes or slows the process needs to be removed, or at least much-maligned. That is the decision. No more room for discussion and, sometimes, even to reason. And so today, while driving a government of the president and a commanding majority of 162 deputies and senators from the Knight affords the luxury of pointing their Parliament as the place of "no decision".
The attack on the legislative power is a move effect, which can take hold in people. But it is a serious choice. Is from the political point of view. Parliament, too, mostly reduced to "votificio" in need of reform. But these reforms can not impose by force the Chief Executive, with strokes of decree-laws and trust.
The revision of parliamentary rules is welcome, but it is a matter to be treated with caution and respect. Not even in the case is governed by the Constitution, which gives the regulations the force of the sources of law and Article 64 restrains the change to the "procedure reinforced" the absolute majority.
But the choice of Mr Berlusconi is also serious and especially the institutional point of view. He had only one previous, apparently not random, in republican history. Craxi is that the Congress of the Socialist Party of Verona, in 1984, angry for not converting the decree of Valentine on the escalator, he thundered against the parliamentarians who attended "Conference on aspirin only" and "rules of poultry, shellfish, prosciutto di San Daniele and schools of guitar."
Why, after 25 years, Berlusconi feels the need to replicate today, with formulas even deteriorate, the model craxi? What need right now in my pocket that holds the country and dominates the political scene in splendid isolation, to reopen a conflict so bitter and poisoned with the institutions?
There is only one answer made sense: it is the Quirinale. The Knight in a hurry to close the Second Republic and to inaugurate, if you need even in the heat of battle, a Third Republic cut again to the extent of his personal biography. It affects that this obvious plot, the beautiful souls of so-called "liberal culture" does not see the wires. If
Veltroni, for having approached the prime minister Putin, is accused of being still a prisoner of the "old story" of a center held together only by concrete anti-Berlusconi, of which "new narrative" would rather interpreter Berlusconi, who Back at war with his usual ghosts, humiliates Parliament, devalued the head of state, threatened the Constitutional Court?
The real "figure" of the new Berlusconi, Caesarism deadly mixture of regressive populism and deliberation, and is enclosed in an admirable statement of Giuliano Ferrara, his most brilliant exegete: "The democracy, in the end, it is not expertise, but it's just consent. "In these difficult times is a chilling truth. But, unfortunately, is exactly how Berlusconi is reducing our democracy.
(October 3, 2008)
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